1. NATO has never had a female secretary general in its 75 years of history. And recently another male secretary general has been nominated. Why is there still a glass ceiling?

The absence of a female secretary general in NATO’s 75-year history is reflective of broader systemic issues related to gender equality and leadership which not only impact NATO, but are replicated within other international organisations, state institutions and national militaries.  There are likely many contributing factors, however, we will highlight a few which we believe to be most significant.  

Firstly, it is important to look at the political structures within NATO member states. The majority of the secretary generals within the last 75 years have been Prime Ministers, Ministers of Defence or Foreign Ministers. These are roles which have traditionally been held by men. While we are seeing an increase in women in high-level governmental roles, it will take time to cultivate a balanced pool of qualified female candidates for top NATO positions.  

Secondly, NATO operates within the realm of international security, an area that has historically and culturally, been very male dominated, and which stirs up masculine connotations of war and violence. This environment fosters perceptions that align success in military leadership with traditional masculine traits. While these perceptions are slowly changing, they still influence the selection of candidates, often favouring men who fit established stereotypes of military leadership.

Lastly, NATO is a very large organisation built on 75 years of history. As a result, while change may be occurring at some levels, it will take time for this change to break down the institutional structures and systems that have perhaps, inadvertently, favoured male candidates. The selection of NATO's secretary general is heavily influenced by political considerations and negotiations among member states. Often, the candidate who is selected reflects a compromise among these states, which may prioritise political balance, national representation, or experience over gender diversity.

NATO has introduced a number of Women, Peace and Security (WPS) initiatives to ensure that the WPS agenda is a priority, and which attempts to counteract the masculine perception within security institutions. These include, Gender Advisors deployed on missions and operations, Gender Focal Points and WPS Focal Points, and WPS Leadership, and Technical Task Forces. The majority of these initiatives focus on the integration of gender perspectives, as opposed to increasing women’s participation. However, they do represent a step in the right direction to changing the culture within the security sector. For more on these developments please see: NATO - Topic: Women, Peace and Security.

A notable exception to this male-dominated history is Rose Gottemoeller, an American diplomat who served as Deputy Secretary General from 2016-2019. Of course, having one woman, or even multiple women, in top positions within NATO does not mean that the fight for gender equality has been won. However, their presence is vital for normalising female leadership and gradually shifting organisational culture so that one day the glass ceiling will be completely shattered.   

2. Also, only 1 in 5 NATO Council representatives are women, should NATO do more in terms of encouraging member states to designate more women?

SecurityWomen believes that more can always be done and it is important for NATO to be proactive in encouraging member states to designate more women.  It is worth looking at what NATO has done, and is doing, in the field of Women, Peace and Security to assess their current impact in this area. They do have a Special Representative for Women, Peace and Security (currently Irene Fellin) and have very recently released an updated policy on Women Peace and Security (10 July 2024 – see here). NATO’s policy has four strategic objectives, two of which are:

1. Gender-responsive leadership and accountability: To ensure NATO leaders strengthen their gender expertise, work towards gender equality and are accountable for the implementation of the WPS Agenda.
2. Participation: To strive for a gender-balanced workforce at all levels, including in decision-making and leadership roles, benefitting from a broader skillset and new perspectives across the NATO Enterprise. To promote the full, equal, safe and meaningful participation of women in peace and security at local, national, regional, and global levels, recognising the mutually reinforcing relationship between Participation, Prevention and Protection.

It is clear from this policy that, at least in theory, NATO is committed to increasing the participation of women at all levels of the organisation. What exactly NATO plans to do to realise these objectives will be set out in their next Action Plan, however, it is hoped that it will involve concrete actions to increase the participation of women. This could involve setting gender diversity goals, with targets and requirements for states to regularly report on progress. Other possible measures could include leadership programmes focused on women, and cross-national initiatives to assess and remedy the reasons for women’s under-representation. As suggested in the previous question, the reasons for women’s under-representation in NATO are linked to gender inequality rooted within institutions and member states, and as such, NATO must do more than simply aim to increase women’s participation, and instead take active steps to help reduce the imbalance. By promoting gender equality, they will leverage the full range of talent and perspectives available to the Alliance, enhancing its overall effectiveness and resilience. 

‍3.  Regarding the military forces, only around 11% of the soldiers are women. Why is the Army not so appealing to women? What barriers do they find?

‍The low percentage of women in military forces is due to a variety of factors and barriers which make military careers less accessible or appealing to women. These include the perpetuation of cultural and social norms that prioritise traditional gender roles and which view the military as a male-dominated field. As there is a lack of representation, these norms are not usurped and may prevent women from joining the military or finding it a welcoming environment.

In addition, concerns about sexual harassment, discrimination, and a lack of institutional support can deter women from joining or remaining in the military. Instances of gender-based violence or a perceived "boys' club" culture can create an unwelcoming environment. Furthermore, women often do not receive the required level of support or basic provisions, including gender-specific healthcare, and accommodations for pregnancy and maternity leave. This can make military life more challenging for women and may prevent them from applying or staying in a military career.

In NATO’s 2020 Summary of National Reports, women made up 13% of NATO Armed Forces and 23.1% of applications. 29.7% of women applicants were recruited, and 67.8% completed basic training. Therefore, it is clear that NATO and member states must address barriers that prevent women applying, but also that prevent women from succeeding with their applications, and from completing basic training. This could include measures such as enforcing strict policies against sexual harassment and discrimination, introducing targeted recruitment campaigns, mentorship and leadership programs solely for women, adopting training standards that do not unnecessarily exclude women, and introducing support networks and advocacy groups to adequately address the issues that impact women. By addressing these barriers and creating a more inclusive environment, NATO and its member states can attract and retain more women in their military forces, enhancing both diversity and operational effectiveness. 

4. Which member states of the NATO have more parity and female representation and are doing a good job in this sense, and which have still a lot to do?

The level of gender parity and female representation among NATO member states varies significantly, both in national military forces and government positions. In terms of military representation, NATO’s 2020 Summary of National Reports provides valuable insights. Although more recent data is lacking, the 2020 report highlights a stark range in women’s participation. For instance, Turkey reports only 0.3% of its Armed Forces as women, while Hungary has a comparatively higher representation at 19.9%. Despite this progress, 20% remains insufficient, and all member states need to prioritise achieving greater gender parity within their armed forces.

Similarly, there is a pressing need for all NATO countries to enhance women's participation in politics and government. Currently, out of 31 NATO member states, only five have female heads of government, five have female ministers of defence, and eight have female foreign ministers (NATO - Who's who?). Canada has recently assigned its first woman Chief of the Defence Staff, General Jennifer Carrigan. While these figures and promotions indicate improvement over previous decades, significant work remains to be done across the Alliance.

To advance gender parity, member states must actively address the barriers that hinder women’s participation in both military and political spheres. By fostering inclusive environments and implementing supportive policies, NATO countries can create pathways for women to thrive in leadership roles.